Seventy-nine years after Independence, India has learned how to sell itself. It has still not learned how to be fair to the state that paid so much of the price.
Partition did not wound India evenly. Its deepest cut ran through Punjab, dividing its land, canals, villages and families. Millions were uprooted. Countless lives were lost. Punjab absorbed one of history’s largest forced migrations and was then expected to return to work.
It did.
What Punjab Spent
Punjab rebuilt. Then it fed India.
The Green Revolution is remembered as a national triumph. But it was delivered on Punjabi soil, with Punjabi water and through the labour of Punjabi farmers. India gained food security. Punjab inherited depleted groundwater, exhausted soil and an unsustainable cropping cycle. Today, roughly four out of five assessed groundwater blocks in Punjab are over-exploited.
The national debate keeps asking what Punjab costs. It rarely asks what Punjab has already spent.
Then came militancy, Operation Blue Star, the 1984 massacres and years of bloodshed. Punjab survived that darkness. Its national image never fully did.
The labels merely changed: security problem, drug problem, agitation problem.
Udta Punjab became shorthand for an entire state. During the farmers’ protest, Punjabis were often judged before they were heard. Their motives were questioned and their patriotism placed on trial.
The Paradox
Here lies India’s great marketing paradox.
No Indian state carries weaker place equity. Few Indian communities possess stronger personal equity.
Punjabis serve in the armed forces far beyond their share of the population. The Sikh turban is among the world’s most recognisable identities and usually conveys courage, service and trust. During the pandemic, langars fed millions without asking anyone’s religion, caste or nationality.
Punjabi music now reaches global charts and festivals without waiting for a Hindi remake. Much of what the world recognises as Indian food is Punjabi food. Across Canada, Britain, Australia, America and the Gulf, Punjabis carry India’s identity into businesses, universities, public institutions and political life.
India repeatedly uses Punjabis as its brand ambassadors.
Yet the advertising industry undervalues Punjab as a market.
Cultural Capital Without Investment
Brands borrow the bhangra beat but bypass Punjabi media. They cast a Sikh to communicate warmth or courage, then treat Punjab as a discounted line in the media plan. Agencies pay a premium for Punjabi flavour in Mumbai and bargain over credible media rates in Punjab.
They want Punjab’s cultural capital without investing in Punjab’s media ecosystem.
That is not a strategy. It is extraction.
Punjab must accept its own failures: poor governance, fiscal indiscipline, inadequate industrialisation and delayed agricultural reform. But perception also has an economic price. Repeatedly frame a state through drugs, disorder and protest, and that stereotype eventually enters investment decisions, advertising budgets and media plans.
This is why Punjab needs strong, modern and independent media. Media that neither romanticises its problems nor reduces its identity to them.
That conviction drives the GTC Network. Punjabi audiences deserve the same production quality, editorial seriousness and strategic respect that national networks reserve for larger markets. Punjab is not a seasonal Baisakhi activation. It is a globally connected, influential consumer community.
Correct the Ledger
Brand India cannot build its soft power on Punjabi valour, music, food, generosity and enterprise while keeping Punjab permanently in the risk column.
Correct the coverage.
Correct the perception.
Correct the investment plan.
The Tricolour rises at Attari exactly as it rises at the Red Fort. But the soil beneath it remembers Partition, the blood of soldiers and the labour of farmers.
Punjab does not need to prove its love for India.
Punjab has been paying the price of that love since before India became free.
